Home U.S. Pro-Democracy Narrative and Message Guide Summary of narrative research findings

Summary of narrative research findings

The findings below focus on the United States, but also reflect learnings identified across the full body of work conducted by Metropolitan Group globally since 2022. Findings drawn from our assessment of the narrative landscape — including the existing ecosystem and current mindsets — are presented first. These findings include insights from both domestic and global research about democracy narratives. Then, we present findings from the testing of the narrative and messaging concepts developed as part of our U.S.-focused narrative work.

To read in more detail about the narrative research findings, read the full report: A New Narrative to Promote Democracy in the United States: A Findings and Recommendations Report.

Assessing the narrative landscape: the existing ecosystem

FINDING 1: The majority of pro-democracy narratives and messaging are either critical, deficit-framed, or defensive in their framing (e.g., “democracy is messy”); far fewer narratives make a compelling positive case for democracy.

Dominant pro-democracy narratives identified in a 2024 scan conducted by MG were defensive in their framing, including “Authoritarianism is harmful,” “Democracy is under threat,” and “Democracy is messy/a work in progress.” ¹
Pro-democracy narratives that were framed positively (e.g., “Democracy promotes equity and fairness” and “Democracy delivers”) were employed far less often.²

FINDING 2: The concept of “democracy” is frequently appropriated by authoritarians, who recognize its power and appeal.

A 2021 article published by the Othering & Belonging Institute at UC Berkeley included the following: “Authoritarian populists make sure that even their autocratic practices seem legal and constitutional, thus allowing voters to believe that they continue to be democrats and develop an appearance that allows for plausible deniability and whitewashing from the mainstream.”³
MG’s scan of existing domestic narratives found that anti-democracy sources evoked a narrative referencing freedom and democracy even more frequently than did pro-democracy sources. MG’s global scan found that democracy appropriation and redefinition was one of the most frequent and dominant narratives.⁴

FINDING 3: Democracy narratives take understanding of democracy for granted, rarely defining it. When they do, democracy is primarily defined as the holding of elections. This plays into the hands of many authoritarians who can claim that anything they do is democratic since they were elected.

A global study conducted by MG found that many pro-democracy narratives use technical language and assume relevance and understanding of liberal democratic principles, while pro-authoritarian narratives center to a greater extent on triggering values and highlighting benefits.⁵
In MG’s focus groups (October 2024 and January 2025) to test democracy narratives and messaging, participants talked about lack of clarity around what it means to be engaged in our democracy.⁶https://www.metgroup.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/MG-US-Democracy-Narratives-Report_FINAL_June-18-2025.pdf Here are two examples:
- “I am not sure how to stand for democracy outside of voting.” Allison, age 30, female, Conservative
- “A healthy democracy requires more action than simply showing up to vote once every four years.” Elliot, age 35, male, Independent
A 2022 survey conducted by the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania found that only 47% of those surveyed could name all three branches of the U.S. government (down from 56% in 2021), and 25% of those surveyed could not name any of them (up from 21% in 2020).⁷

FINDING 4: Authoritarians use emotive and relatable language, often including fear-based appeals, while pro-democracy narratives are often theoretical or technical, using complex or legal terms that are less resonant in the context of people’s day-to-day lives.

A 2023 article in Psychology Today noted that “[a]uthoritarian leaders…create fear and anger by identifying certain groups — whether identified by their politics, religion, race, gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, or nationality — as being responsible for their suffering.”⁸
In 2022, the Brookings Institution published a commentary noting that “throughout history, fear has been used by more powerful people to prey on the weak during difficult times. Populists today … appeal to people who fear they have lost their livelihoods along with their identities and their cultural moorings at times of rapid social change and political and economic uncertainty. They present themselves as strongmen leaders who can restore order from the chaos.”⁹
As found in MG’s global research, pro-democracy narratives often include a technocratic “laundry list” of democracy’s benefits and principles (rule of law, citizen-responsive governance, transparency, etc.), rather than effectively connecting to core values that demonstrate specific tangible benefits. Pro-authoritarian narratives, on the other hand, more often trigger values such as security, strength, and order, and highlight the specific benefits of non-democratic governance. For example, the use of phrases and concepts like “transparency” and “the rule of law” may resonate with pro-democracy activists in the democracy field, but are not understood by most people, while authoritarians are triggering widely held values like fairness.¹⁰

FINDING 5: Of the core values currently deployed in pro-democracy narratives, freedom is the most dominant, authentic, and compelling.

In MG’s scan of the governance narrative landscape in 2024, freedom was reflected in more content about democracy than any other. While it was evoked in both anti- and pro-democracy narratives, it was employed far more frequently in pro-democracy narratives.
In a survey conducted for MG by Prime Group in July 2025, “freedom” was identified by 90% of respondents as core to democracy.

FINDING 6: Trust of institutions has been declining for years, particularly with regard to the federal government and Congress specifically; the public tends to have higher levels of trust in local government.

In spring 2024, a Pew study found that only 22% of U.S. adults said they trust the federal government to do the right thing just about always or most of the time, and “about 2 in 3 U.S. adults agreed that a low level of trust in the government makes it harder to solve the nation’s problems.”¹¹
The Pew 2024 study also found that seven in 10 Americans have an unfavorable view of Congress, and “a whopping 85% of Americans say they don’t think elected officials care what people like them think.”¹²
In 2023, Gallup’s annual survey found that “Americans have the most faith in local government (67%) and the least faith in the legislative branch of the federal government, or Congress (32%).¹³

FINDING 7: The dominance of social media — along with the use of bots and other means to spread mis-, dis-, and malinformation — is worsening the negative impact of echo chambers and deepening existing political divides.

The cybersecurity firm Imperva reported that malicious bots accounted for 37% of all web traffic in 2024 (a new high).¹⁴
A study from MIT of 126,000 news stories on Twitter (now X) between 2006 and 2017 found that “false news stories are 70% more likely to be retweeted than true stories are. It also takes true stories about six times as long to reach 1,500 people as it does for false stories to reach the same number of people.”¹⁵
In 2021, the Brookings Institution reported that “platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter are likely not the root causes of political polarization, but they do exacerbate it.” The report further concluded that “[w]idespread social media use has fueled the fire of extreme polarization, which, in turn, has contributed to the erosion of trust in democratic values; elections; and even scientific facts, such as the need for vaccination in the face of a lethal pandemic.”¹⁶
A 2021 article in American Economic Review, based on a study of more than 17,000 Americans, found that Facebook’s content-ranking algorithm may limit users’ exposure to news outlets offering viewpoints contrary to their own — and thereby increase polarization.¹⁷

Assessing the narrative landscape: dominant mindsets

FINDING 8: Most people prefer to live in a democracy.

According to a 2023 survey by the Open Society Foundation, the vast majority of Americans (80%) say it’s important to them to live in a country that is democratically governed. It’s worth noting that the global average of citizens who agree with this statement is higher, at 86%.¹⁸
A 2023 YouGov poll found that between 2018 and 2023, Americans’ belief that democracy is the greatest form of government rose from 46% to 59%. Increases were seen across all age groups and political identity.¹⁹
An online survey conducted by Prime Group on behalf of MG in July 2025 found that 67% of respondents strongly prefer a system of governance for the United States defined by democratic principles, in which “leaders are accountable to the people, no one is above the law, and no branch of government has too much power.” An additional 21% of survey respondents were leaning toward a preference for democratic governance. Only 12% of respondents were either leaning toward (7%) or expressed strong preference (5%) for authoritarian governance for the United States, in which “a leader has decision-making power without limits or accountability to the people, Congress, or the courts.”

FINDING 9: Support for authoritarianism is alarmingly high, especially among younger people.

A 2024 study by U.S. News Decision Points reported that 57% of Americans think our country’s leaders should have total, unchecked authority.²⁰
In 2023, an Open Society Foundation survey found that 29% of Americans agree that having army rule or a leader who does not bother with parliaments or elections is a good way of running a country.²¹
Issue One reported in 2022 that 50% of Americans under age 40 are open to non-democratic systems of government.²²
A survey conducted for MG by Prime Group in July 2025 found that respondents who strongly prefer authoritarian leadership (i.e., a leader who has decision-making power without limits or accountability to the people, Congress, or the courts”) were more likely than the survey sample (by 10 points) to be 18-34 years old.

FINDING 10: Disappointment in democracy is prevalent, with a profound gap between the ideal and the reality.

A 2024 AP-NORC poll found that only 31% of those surveyed believe the U.S. is a well-functioning democracy, while 53% described the U.S. as a poorly functioning democracy and 14% said the U.S. is not a democracy.²³
In focus groups conducted by MG in late 2024 and early 2025, messaging about democratic ideals was consistently met with cynicism. People see so many things wrong with the reality of democracy in the United States today that expressions of idealism are perceived as hopelessly naive. Those whose lived experience has been shaped by enduring structural racism question whether the United States has ever lived up to its ideals.

FINDING 11: The bedrock principles of democracy are valued and seen as central to the U.S. identity, though not always associated with the definition of democracy.

A 2024 poll from AP-NORC found that the freedoms most often identified as important to the identity of the United States as a nation are: the right to equal protection under the law (91%), the right to vote (91%), freedom of speech (90%), the right to privacy (88%), freedom of religion (84%), the right to assemble peacefully (83%), and freedom of the press (77%).²⁴
In the MG July/August 2025 survey, respondents across the political spectrum identified free and fair elections; checks, balances, and limits on power; freedom of speech and assembly; and a justice system that treats everyone fairly, no matter who they are, as the most important elements of democracy.

FINDING 12: Most people — across the political spectrum — care about the future of democracy.

Prior to the 2024 general election in the U.S., a survey conducted by PRRI found that more than three-quarters of Americans agreed that democracy was at risk in the election. Democrats were more likely to agree (84%), but Republicans’ agreement was not far behind (77%), and 73% of independents also agreed.²⁵

FINDING 13: Democracy is not well understood beyond the holding of elections.

A 2022 survey conducted by the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania found that only 47% of those surveyed could name all three branches of the U.S. government (down from 56% in 2021), and 25% of those surveyed could not name any of them (up from 21% in 2020).²⁶

FINDING 14: Lack of social cohesion and respect are seen as major obstacles to democracy in the U.S., but the majority believe debate and compromise are signs of a strong democracy.

The Ipsos Social Cohesion Index defines social cohesion in terms of trust in other people and in the political system, shared priorities with others, helping others in pursuit of the common good, and respecting laws. Ipsos’ 2020 study found that 43% of adults in the U.S. “display a weak level of social cohesion and only 17% a solid one.”²⁷
The Ipsos report notes that “social cohesion is the bedrock for societies and economies to function. No country will evolve in a positive direction if its citizens are all rowing in different directions.”²⁸
A September 2025 Gallup poll found that “Americans are twice as likely to say they would rather see leaders in Washington compromise to get things done (47%) than have leaders stick to their political beliefs at the risk of accomplishing little (24%). Another 26% think the best option lies between these choices.”²⁹
A July 2025 survey conducted by Prime Group for MG found that 63% of those surveyed believe that while it might seem like Americans agree on little, debate and compromise are signs of a strong democracy.

FINDING 15: Context matters, and satisfaction with democracy can be influenced by whether your side wins or loses.

A 2024 survey by Pew Research Center found that while mistrust of the federal government is widespread in both parties, Republicans’ levels of trust tended “to differ depending on whether one of their own is sitting in the Oval Office.” By contrast, trust among Democrats has been “a bit more stable across administrations.”³⁰
A January 2025 study by Gallup found a dramatic increase among Republicans in terms of their satisfaction with democracy in the U.S. While only 17% of Republicans reported being satisfied in December 2023, that figure had nearly doubled to 33% in January 2025. Conversely, 47% of Democrats reported being satisfied with democracy in January 2021, but only 35% said they were satisfied in January 2025.³¹
In MG’s focus groups, conservatives reported higher levels of satisfaction with democracy in the United States than they had in the October 2024 focus groups. Conversely, liberals reported lower levels of satisfaction than they had prior to the presidential election.

FINDING 16: Supporters of democracy reflect the demographics of the general population. But when factoring in levels of engagement there are key differences demographically across the three sub-segments of Supporters and between Very Engaged Democracy Supporters and Democracy Opposition.

The demographics of individuals in the overall Supporter category for democracy (in which leaders are accountable to the people, no one is above the law, and no branch of government has too much power) directly correspond to the overall survey sample in all major demographic areas, including race and ethnicity, education, and household income.
Very Engaged Democracy Supporters (see finding 17) are more likely (by 11 points) than the general population to have four years or more of college, to be married (by 16 points), to have an annual household income of more than $200,000 (by 5 points), to live in the suburbs (by 6 points), and to say they are white (by 8 points).
By contrast, Democracy Opposition respondents are more likely to have less than four years of college (by 9 points), to be single (by 8 points), and to earn less than $50,000 per year (by 5 points). In addition, Democracy Opposition respondents are more likely to be Asian or Asian American (by 8 points), or Latino/Hispanic (by 4 points), although the relatively small size of this segment (5%) suggests caution in drawing conclusions about the racial or ethnic demographics of this segment.
The age gap between Democracy Opposition (estimated at 5% of the population) and Very Engaged Democracy Supporters (estimated at 14%) is even more dramatic. Very Engaged Democracy Supporters are more likely than the overall population to be over the age of 55 (by 14 points). In fact, more than one-third (35%) of Very Engaged Democracy Supporters are 65 or older, surpassing the survey sample by 14 points. By contrast, those in the Democracy Opposition segment of the population are more likely to be between 18 and 34 (by 10 points).

FINDING 17: Very Engaged Democracy Supporters in the United States are a diverse group that, in many ways, defies partisan stereotypes.

As noted in Finding 8 above, the nationwide survey conducted by Prime Group on MG’s behalf in July 2025 found that 67% of respondents were classified as strong Democracy Supporters. To better understand this large and diverse segment, MG examined the extent to which Supporters of democracy are engaged in the political process and staying abreast of news about politics and government. This led to the identification of three sub-segments of Supporters:
- Very Engaged Supporters (14% of Supporters): Those who actively seek out news about politics and government, and report they have voted in every nonpresidential election.
- Less Engaged Supporters (33% of Supporters): Those who lean toward actively seeking out news about politics and government, and have voted in at least some nonpresidential elections.
- Disengaged Supporters (54% of Supporters): Those who lean toward active avoidance of news about politics or the government and have either voted in no more than “some” nonpresidential elections or say they are not registered to vote.
While 64% of the respondents in the Very Engaged Democracy Supporter segment say the country is off on the wrong track and 63% disagree with the current leadership of the United States, they are not all politically progressive.
- Nearly 1 in 4 (23%) respondents in the Very Engaged Democracy Supporters segment agree “to a great” extent with current U.S. leadership and 35% think the country is headed in the right direction.
- Four in ten identify as Democrats and approximately 23% say they are “very liberal,” but 1 in 3 identifies as Republican and approximately 19% identify as “very conservative.”
- Very Engaged Democracy Supporters are closely split between those who rely on conservative political leaders (20%) or progressive political leaders (25%) to influence their own thinking about the direction of the country.

Findings from testing of new narratives and messaging to promote democracy in the U.S.

FINDING 18: Focus groups conducted by MG in late 2024 and early 2025 found the Freedom Matters narrative to be strong, and found that it increased participants' support for and belief in the importance of inclusive democracy and connecting people to it.

Focus group participants both felt inspired to take action and asked for specifics of what they can do in response to hearing the narrative messaging. These are the kind of questions we want narrative to inspire, to be answered by messaging for specific initiative/policies/practices, and to be followed by specific calls to action.

FINDING 19: The core message communicating the Freedom Matters narrative generates high levels of agreement (89%), perceived relevance to what’s happening in the country right now (84%), and likelihood to share (69%) in a national survey.

A July 2025 survey conducted by Prime Group for MG found that the vast majority of Democrats (93%), Republicans (88%), and independents (88%) agree with the core message of the narrative. The intensity of agreement is also high across the political spectrum, with 67% of Democrats, and 49% of both Republicans and independents agreeing strongly with the message.
Black or African American survey respondents are more likely to see the narrative as being very relevant than are other respondents.
Survey respondents who say they are Black or African American or Latino/Hispanic are more likely to say they are “very likely” to share the narrative than are white respondents.

FINDING 20: The shorthand summary of the narrative (“This country was built on the right to have our voices heard, to make our own decisions, to be treated fairly by the justice system, and to vote in free and fair elections. These freedoms are at the heart of our democracy and our security.”) was found in a survey to be the strongest reason for Americans to work together to support and improve our democracy, AND was found to be the most persuasive.

This message summary aligns with the findings and recommendations arising out of the formative research and focus group testing by defining democracy beyond elections, evoking many closely held values (e.g., representation and fairness), and connecting freedom, security, and democracy.
A July 2025 survey conducted by Prime Group for MG found that the shorthand summary of the narrative resonated strongly across the political/ideological spectrum, topping the list of reasons why it’s important for Americans to work together to support and improve our democracy.
56% of Democrats, 51% of Republicans, and 45% of independents found this statement to be “very persuasive” in making them want to work to improve our democracy.
With the exception of Asian or Asian American survey respondents, BIPOC respondents were more likely to describe this statement as “very persuasive” compared to white respondents.
Nearly 80% of 18–34 and 35–54 year old respondents — and nearly 90% of 55+ respondents — described the statement as “very persuasive.”

FINDING 21: The recommended core values tested well with focus groups and in a nationwide online survey.

In an online pool conducted by Prime Group for MG in July 2025, 70% or more of respondents identified each of the nine core values (freedom, fairness, fearlessness/strength, representation, responsibility, safety/security, honesty, prosperity, and family/belonging) as either a “core” or “important” value in a democracy.
90% of respondents in MG’s online survey identified freedom as a core value of a democracy.
At least 85% of Democrat, Republican, and independent respondents identified each of the top six core values (freedom, fairness, fearlessness/belonging, representation, responsibility and safety/security) as being a “core” or “important” value in a democracy.

FINDING 22: Even one-time exposure to the narrative and messaging results in positive shifts among some audience segments.

Among the Lean Democracy Supporter segment (21% of the population), exposure to the narrative and messaging in the course of taking a survey conducted in July 2025 results in a net positive shift of 8 points toward preferring democracy as a system of government and/or agreement with the Freedom Matters narrative. More significantly, while 100% of this audience segment had, at the beginning of the survey, leaned (3 on a scale of 1 to 4) toward preferring democracy as the system of government for the United States, one-in-five individuals in this segment expressed a strong preference for democracy (4 on a scale of 1 to 4) at the end of the survey.
Among the Lean Opposition segment (7% of the population), exposure to the narrative and messaging in the course of taking the survey results in a net positive shift of 39 points toward preferring democracy as a system of government and/or agreement with the Freedom Matters narrative. In addition, while 100% of the individuals in this segment leaned toward a preference for an authoritarian system of government for the United States (2 on a scale of 1 to 4) at the beginning of the survey, one-in-four had shifted toward a preference for democracy (3 out of 4) and 16% expressed a strong preference for democracy (4 out of 4) after exposure to the narrative and messaging.
Survey respondents in the Opposition segment (5% of the population) moved dramatically in a positive direction either in support of democracy as a preferred system of government or agreement with the Freedom Matters narrative (net positive of +55 points) in the course of taking the survey. Similarly, while 100% of the individuals in this segment expressed a strong preference for an authoritarian system of government (1 on a scale of 1 to 4) for the United States at the start of the survey, 42% expressed the opposite preference for democracy (4 out of 4) after exposure to the narrative and messaging in the course of the survey. As with the Lean Opposition segment, the small size of this audience as a proportion (5%) of the overall survey sample suggests the same caution in reading too much into the positive swings. Nevertheless, while this would not be a priority audience segment, it appears that at the very least, exposure to the narrative and messaging does not result in opposition pushback.
In terms of the impact of exposure to the narrative and messaging in the course of taking the July 2025 survey, it is important to note that the Democracy Supporter segment was virtually “all in” on democracy as a preferred system of government for the U.S. (100% expressed the strongest possible preference — 4 on a scale of 1 to 4 — for a democratic form of government. They also expressed agreement with the Freedom Matters narrative from the outset of the survey. Upon reading the narrative’s core message paragraph at the beginning of the survey, 92% said they agreed and an overwhelming 61% strongly agreed. Although we observed modest (6 point) net negative movement in their system preference and agreement with the narrative at the end of the survey, this pattern is consistent with the ceiling effect commonly observed in social and communication research among audiences who already exhibit the highest levels of endorsement at baseline.
Among the demographic groups showing the highest net positive movement after exposure to the narrative and messaging were: women (+7 points); individuals with household income below $75,000; GenX (+5 points); Baby Boomers (+5 points); and respondents with less than 4 years of college (+7 points).
Interestingly, considering the voting bloc that emerged as having great power in the 2024 presidential election, those moving in a positive direction post-exposure to the narrative and messaging were much more likely to have fewer than four years of college, to have only voted in “some” presidential elections, and to describe themselves as much less likely to actively seek out news about politics and government.

FINDING 23: The most important elements of a democracy are free and fair elections; checks, balances, and limits on power; freedom of speech and assembly; and a justice system that treats everyone fairly no matter who they are.

61% of those surveyed identify “free and fair elections” as being among the three most important elements of a democracy.
Other elements rising to the top include: checks, balances, and limits on power (54%); freedom of speech and assembly (43%); and a justice system that treats everyone equally no matter who they are (39%).
These same four elements of democracy top the list for Democrats, Republicans, and independents, although the order might vary.

FINDING 24: The narrative and supporting messaging successfully reminds people that protecting freedom is a shared responsibility, and that working toward compromise is a sign of a strong democracy and is key to the solution to the challenges our democracy faces.

Among the messaging that resonated across focus groups conducted in late 2024 and early 2025 were: “Protecting our freedoms has always been up to us,” and “Defending freedom doesn’t have to mean fighting each other, but working together to make our democracy stronger.”
A July 2025 survey conducted by Prime Group for MG found that 70% of respondents believe that “protecting freedom is our shared responsibility. Together we can build a stronger democracy.” This message also generated about 70% from Democrats, Republicans, and independents.
The survey also found that 63% of respondents believe the following statement: “Nowadays, it may seem like Americans agree on little, but debate and compromise are a sign of a strong democracy.” In addition, 55% of respondents found this statement persuasive.

FINDING 25: A strong democracy that protects freedom is seen as better able to provide: a justice system we can trust; access to health care, education, and housing; control over our own lives; and increased opportunities for prosperity for ourselves, our community, and our country.

42% of those surveyed by MG in July 2025 identified “a justice system we can trust” as being among the top two benefits that are possible in a democracy where freedoms are protected.
Other benefits rising to the top include: access to health care, education, and housing (34%); control over our own lives (26%); and increased opportunities for ourselves, our community, and our country (23%).
These same four benefits of a democracy where freedom is protected top the list for Democrats, Republicans, and independents, although the order might vary.

FINDING 26: Conveying a sense of optimism that together we can improve our democracy is key to inspiring action.

Focus groups conducted by MG in late 2024 and early 2025 found that while it was important to acknowledge that democracy isn’t perfect, it was important to be asset-framed and convey a sense of optimism that it was possible to strengthen and improve it.
A survey conducted by Prime Group for MG in July 2025 found that 64% of respondents believed the following statement: “Freedom matters in the U.S. We haven’t fully lived up to it but real democracy means striving to do better.” In addition, 61% of survey respondents found this statement persuasive.
In MG’s 2025 survey, a majority (57%) believed the following: “Strengthening democracy won’t be easy, but we’ve done hard things before and we can again.” In addition, a majority (52%) of respondents found this statement persuasive.